SHIVA ADDICTED
ages in New York City have risen about five times since 1965. Arrests on
"opiates" charges in California tripled between 1967 and 1968 for juveniles (see Table 8-8
for these figures.)[24] Schools in which heroin use was previously unknown find
themselves with noticeable numbers of users; schools in which heroin use was rare but
noticeable now have a thriving colony of users.
TABLE 8-8
Drug Arrests in California, 1960 to 1968 a]
ADULTS JUVENILES
Marijuana
Opiates b]
Dangerous
Drugs c]
Marijuana
Opiates b]
Dangerous
Drugs [c]
1960 4,245 9,135 3,533 910 160 515
(19 of 24)4/15/2004 1:07:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 8
1961 3,386 8,171 4,530 408 136 709
1962 3,433 5,939 5,865 310 83 906
1963 4,883 5,962 4,768 635 92 675
1964 6,323 7,597 4,577 1,237 104 639
1965 8,383 6,104 5,930 1,619 60 951
1966 14,209 6,364 6,064 4,034 118 1,007
1967 26,527 8,197 9,558 10,987 272 2,809
1968 33,573 10,411 13,459 16,754 838 8,240
a] Does not include the category "other offenses."
[b] Not all "opiate" arrests are on the basis of heroin charges, although most
are.
In 1968, the California Bureau of Criminal Statistics combined the
categories "heroin and other narcotics" and "narcotic addict or user" into the
single category "opiates." Thus, for the previous years, I have combined
these two categories to make them consistent with the 1968 designation.
c] The main drugs included in the category "dangerous drugs" are the
amphetamines and LSD: however, LSD was not added to the "dangerous
drugs" category until 1965.
There is, then, no question that this process is taking place. But there is some question
as to its extent. It is an easy matter to exaggerate the depth of a problem and to declare
that a previously absent problem is reaching epidemic proportions.
The question of
whether a given condition should exist at all is completely separate from the issue of how
widespread it is. It is necessary to place the problem in perspective. First of all, recall from
earlier chapters that a minority of America's youth has tried marijuana once—about a
quarter of college youth, and fewer younger adolescents and young adults who do not
attend college. And the marijuana experimenters who progress to use marijuana regularly
are only a small minority of this small minority.
Further, the regular marijuana users who
progress to heroin are still a smaller proportion of this tiny segment. Actual addiction is
less likely still. Of course, in some milieu, such as in and near large cities, especially New
York, far more adolescents will take heroin than in rural areas; but even in New York, it is
a minority phenomenon.
In early 1970, I conducted a brief study of drug use among the students of a deviance
and delinquency class in a large suburban university. Some tentative generalizations
relevant to multiple drug use may be made, using this study. About a quarter of the over
500 students in the sample had not tried any drug, includiages in New York City have risen about five times since 1965. Arrests on
"opiates" charges in California tripled between 1967 and 1968 for juveniles (see Table 8-8
for these figures.)24] Schools in which heroin use was previously unknown find
themselves with noticeable numbers of users; schools in which heroin use was rare but
noticeable now have a thriving colony of users.
TABLE 8-8
Drug Arrests in California, 1960 to 1968 a]
ADULTS JUVENILES
Marijuana
Opiates b]
Dangerous
Drugs c]
Marijuana
Opiates b]
Dangerous
Drugs c]
1960 4,245 9,135 3,533 910 160 515
(19 of 24)4/15/2004 1:07:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 8
1961 3,386 8,171 4,530 408 136 709
1962 3,433 5,939 5,865 310 83 906
1963 4,883 5,962 4,768 635 92 675
1964 6,323 7,597 4,577 1,237 104 639
1965 8,383 6,104 5,930 1,619 60 951
1966 14,209 6,364 6,064 4,034 118 1,007
1967 26,527 8,197 9,558 10,987 272 2,809
1968 33,573 10,411 13,459 16,754 838 8,240
a] Does not include the category "other offenses."
b] Not all "opiate" arrests are on the basis of heroin charges, although most
are. In 1968, the California Bureau of Criminal Statistics combined the
categories "heroin and other narcotics" and "narcotic addict or user" into the
single category "opiates." Thus, for the previous years, I have combined
these two categories to make them consistent with the 1968 designation.
c] The main drugs included in the category "dangerous drugs" are the
amphetamines and LSD: however, LSD was not added to the "dangerous
drugs" category until 1965.
There is, then, no question that this process is taking place. But there is some question
as to its extent. It is an easy matter to exaggerate the depth of a problem and to declare
that a previously absent problem is reaching epidemic proportions. The question of
whether a given condition should exist at all is completely separate from the issue of how
widespread it is. It is necessary to place the problem in perspective. First of all, recall from
earlier chapters that a minority of America's youth has tried marijuana once—about a
quarter of college youth, and fewer younger adolescents and young adults who do not
attend college. And the marijuana experimenters who progress to use marijuana regularly
are only a small minority of this small minority. Further, the regular marijuana users who
progress to heroin are still a smaller proportion of this tiny segment.
Actual addiction is
less likely still. Of course, in some milieu, such as in and near large cities, especially New
York, far more adolescents will take heroin than in rural areas; but even in New York, it is
a minority phenomenon.
In early 1970, I conducted a brief study of drug use among the students of a deviance
and delinquency class in a large suburban university. Some tentative generalizations
relevant to multiple drug use may be made, using this study. About a quarter of the over
500 students in the sample had not tried any drug, includiages in New York City have risen about five times since 1965. Arrests on
"opiates" charges in California tripled between 1967 and 1968 for juveniles (see Table 8-8
for these figures.)24 Schools in which heroin use was previously unknown find
themselves with noticeable numbers of users; schools in which heroin use was rare but
noticeable now have a thriving colony of users.
TABLE 8-8
Drug Arrests in California, 1960 to 1968 a
ADULTS JUVENILES
Marijuana
Opiates b
Dangerous
Drugs c
Marijuana
Opiates b
Dangerous
Drugs c
1960 4,245 9,135 3,533 910 160 515
(19 of 24)4/15/2004 1:07:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 8
1961 3,386 8,171 4,530 408 136 709
1962 3,433 5,939 5,865 310 83 906
1963 4,883 5,962 4,768 635 92 675
1964 6,323 7,597 4,577 1,237 104 639
1965 8,383 6,104 5,930 1,619 60 951
1966 14,209 6,364 6,064 4,034 118 1,007
1967 26,527 8,197 9,558 10,987 272 2,809
1968 33,573 10,411 13,459 16,754 838 8,240
[a Does not include the category "other offenses."
[b Not all "opiate" arrests are on the basis of heroin charges, although most
are. In 1968, the California Bureau of Criminal Statistics combined the
categories "heroin and other narcotics" and "narcotic addict or user" into the
single category "opiates." Thus, for the previous years, I have combined
these two categories to make them consistent with the 1968 designation.
c The main drugs included in the category "dangerous drugs" are the
amphetamines and LSD: however, LSD was not added to the "dangerous
drugs" category until 1965.
There is, then, no question that this process is taking place. But there is some question
as to its extent. It is an easy matter to exaggerate the depth of a problem and to declare
that a previously absent problem is reaching epidemic proportions. The question of
whether a given condition should exist at all is completely separate from the issue of how
widespread it is. It is necessary to place the problem in perspective. First of all, recall from
earlier chapters that a minority of America's youth has tried marijuana once—about a
quarter of college youth, and fewer younger adolescents and young adults who do not
attend college. And the marijuana experimenters who progress to use marijuana regularly
are only a small minority of this small minority. Further, the regular marijuana users who
progress to heroin are still a smaller proportion of this tiny segment. Actual addiction is
less likely still. Of course, in some milieu, such as in and near large cities, especially New
York, far more adolescents will take heroin than in rural areas; but even in New York, it is
a minority phenomenon.
In early 1970, I conducted a brief study of drug use among the students of a deviance
and delinquency class in a large suburban university. Some tentative generalizations
relevant to multiple drug use may be made, using this study. About a quarter of the over
500 students in the sample had not tried any drug, includiages in New York City have risen about five times since 1965. Arrests on
"opiates" charges in California tripled between 1967 and 1968 for juveniles (see Table 8-8
for these figures.)24 Schools in which heroin use was previously unknown find
themselves with noticeable numbers of users; schools in which heroin use was rare but
noticeable now have a thriving colony of users.
TABLE 8-8
Drug Arrests in California, 1960 to 1968 a
ADULTS JUVENILES
Marijuana
Opiates b
Dangerous
Drugs c
Marijuana
Opiates b
Dangerous
Drugs c
1960 4,245 9,135 3,533 910 160 515
(19 of 24)4/15/2004 1:07:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 8
1961 3,386 8,171 4,530 408 136 709
1962 3,433 5,939 5,865 310 83 906
1963 4,883 5,962 4,768 635 92 675
1964 6,323 7,597 4,577 1,237 104 639
1965 8,383 6,104 5,930 1,619 60 951
1966 14,209 6,364 6,064 4,034 118 1,007
1967 26,527 8,197 9,558 10,987 272 2,809
1968 33,573 10,411 13,459 16,754 838 8,240
a Does not include the category "other offenses."
b Not all "opiate" arrests are on the basis of heroin charges, although most
are. In 1968, the California Bureau of Criminal Statistics combined the
categories "heroin and other narcotics" and "narcotic addict or user" into the
single category "opiates." Thus, for the previous years, I have combined
these two categories to make them consistent with the 1968 designation.
c The main drugs Weed
female cannabis seed Weed included in the category "dangerous drugs" are the
amphetamines and LSD: however, LSD was not added to the "dangerous
drugs" category until 1965.
There is, then, no question that this process is taking place.
But there is some question
as to its extent. It is an easy matter to exaggerate the depth of a problem and to declare
that a previously absent problem is reaching epidemic proportions. The question of
whether a given condition should exist at all is completely separate from the issue of how
widespread it is. It is necessary to place the problem in perspective. First of all, recall from
earlier chapters that a minority of America's youth has tried marijuana once—about a
quarter of college youth, and fewer younger adolescents and young adults who do not
attend college.
And the marijuana experimenters who progress to use marijuana regularly
are only a small minority of this small minority. Further, the regular marijuana users who
progress to heroin are still a smaller proportion of this tiny segment. Actual addiction is
less likely still. Of course, in some milieu, such as in and near large cities, especially New
York, far more adolescents will take heroin than in rural areas; but even in New York, it is
a minority phenomenon.
In early 1970, I conducted a brief study of drug use among the students of a deviance
and delinquency class in a large suburban university. Some tentative generalizations
relevant to multiple drug use may be made, using this study. About a quarter of the over
500 students in the sample had not tried any drug, includi

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